Good Evening, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for the honor of inviting me to address this distinguished gathering. I admit, I have almost messed up the schedule and do certainly owe an apology to the organizers of the workshop. But after all, it occurs to me that we, Georgians, also deserve a measure of forbearance with our unique capability of organizing elections and revolutions almost simultaneously, as follow-up events. This may be considered Georgia’s contribution to the democracy; to have elections on Sundays and peaceful revolutions on Tuesdays. I think this could be a good pattern for some, at least in our part of the world. If you ask the Georgians, "why have you done this Revolution of Roses in November?" They will tell you that had it happened later, then roses would have been in a short supply…

Mr. Chairman,

A few words about the Revolution of Roses. It is true, that the problems of victory are more agreeable than the problems of defeat, but they are no less difficult. We are aware that it will take a lot of hard work and the moral stamina in order to persevere, while our society has long been assailed by doubt. The sense of victory and its far-reaching implications still stir our souls and warm our hearts. But it also demands of us a realism and pragmatism that are rock-hard, clear-eyed, steady and sure, a realism and pragmatism that understand that Georgia is not yet united and her very statehood is still at stake. The most difficult phase of any revolution is the very first day after it, when you need to solve the ‘bread and butter’ issues for those who energetically demonstrated for you during the revolution.

With the demise of the Soviet Union, more than a decade ago, Georgia dared to dream again innocent dreams, to believe in independence and democratic ideals with innocent trust. Yes, we endured serious setbacks, but celebrated significant accomplishments as well. Georgia adopted a new Constitution, introduced its own currency, promoted the functioning of democratic institutions and free media, sought to strengthen the elements of civil society. In retrospect, we could have accomplished much more. But in these 12 years too many dreams have been shattered, too many promises have been broken, too many lives have been lost. The country plunged headlong into a rampant corruption. The humiliating sense of abject poverty, despair, uncertainty and deep frustration was prevalent. The mass and widespread falsification of the parliamentary elections was the last straw, prompting an unprecedented public outrage and the subsequent resignation of President Shevardnadze.

We are grateful and profoundly touched by the tremendous support the democratic community has afforded us in the time of hardship. It instilled the hope and inspired many, many thousands of our citizens, who struggled for identity, progress and dignity.

Georgians easily let bygones be bygones. I come before you this evening preoccupied with peace and with the strongest assurances that Georgia has irreversibly marked out her democratic future. The rationale is the conventional wisdom, voiced out by one prominent Englishman, that democracy is the worst form of government except all those others that have been tried from time to time. I think we have tried enough and made our choice for good.

I rarely speak in hyperbole, but if you let me invoke Theodore Roethkes one short verse, I think you will agree, that it fits Georgia's current state perfectly well:

I wake to sleep, and take my waking slow,
I feel my fate in what I cannot fear;
I learn by going where I have to go.

Indeed, if we want our dreams to come true, we have got to stay awake and learn not to waste no more moment in our noble quest for the path to the sacred prize – our path to Europe.

I am confident, that our shared values – respect for human rights of all, for tolerance, for entrepreneurship, and for international standards of conduct – can unite us in a partnership for democratic peace. Yes, sometimes, Georgian democratic experience may look to an outsider like a sausage-making process: making is ugly but end-result is supposed to be tasty.

Let me briefly outline some aspects that lend to this democratic partnership the overriding importance.

There is no doubt that in the 21st century our security will be challenged by international terrorism. It is a grave misconception to see this dangerous phenomenon as only a problem of individual states. Indeed, it’s a clear and present danger to tolerant and open societies and innocent people everywhere. Therefore fighting international terrorism is not simply an American or British responsibility. Rather, it is the world's responsibility.

After the horrors of 9-11, Georgia became an active participant of the US led global campaign against international terrorism and has contributed at her capacity to counter-terrorism activities.

With the help of our friends we launched a comprehensive anti criminal and anti terrorist operation in then infamous Pankisi Gorge (which by the way is wonderful mountainous area of Georgia and I visited that place so many times during that operation) and within some 12 months managed to cleanse the region of criminals and terrorists, both homegrown and alien. The work has not been accomplished yet, the operation is still going on in a low intensity scale and our friends may rest assured that Georgia has at its disposal enough resources and qualified personnel to continue this operation to the very end. At the same time we should not forget that the effective closure of the Georgian-Russian border from the both sides is critical to restoring law and order in the Pankisi Gorge. Nor should we be oblivious as to what created this problem in the first place - the war in Chechnya.

Our success in Pankisi, however, would not have been possible without the help and unequivocal support offered by the United States and other western partners. The American Train and Equip program, has clearly been the key to our success. Three battalions trained under this program are already fully operational, capable of carrying out their professional duties.

I need to admit, the elements of cooperation with certain Russian services, especially with border guard, but this framework needs to be formalized and institutionalized. I think Russia and Georgia along with other international institutions have full resources to do that.

But in expressing our special appreciation to the United States Government for the invaluable assistance, I also hold out hope that this cooperation will continue in the future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are confident that Georgia has a role to play in a broader international security dimension. The crucial step in defining Georgia's strategic identity was the historic announcement at the Prague Summit about our resolve to seek the full membership in the Euro-Atlantic alliance. Let me put this momentous decision in context.

Last November in Prague, NATO allies completed a 53 yearlong effort to build a stable and peaceful security system for Central and northern Europe. No one will ever ask again will we have to die for Danzig? And it applies to any German or Polish or Baltic city. The Prague Summit was truly an exceptional accomplishment, the magnitude of which is yet to be determined.

We believe that we must now focus our attention on Southern and Eastern parts of Europe in order to make the European Union consummate. The invitation extended to Romania and Bulgaria to join NATO and subsequently the European Union, instills us with hope that the final phase of building of a truly unified Europe has begun in earnest. With the Prague decision, NATO now virtually embraces the entire Black Sea community either through direct membership or through special relationships of the kind enjoyed by Russia and Ukraine.

As the original alliance between the United States and Western Europe was built on the wartime Atlantic Alliance and post-war responsibilities in the Mediterranean, I believe that the future security architecture of Europe's East will be based on the "Three Seas". The Baltic, the Adriatic and the Black Sea. As I mentioned, the Baltic and Nordic democracies have largely completed the construction of a durable Baltic security system. Major efforts are already underway to "export" the Baltic model to the democracies of the Dalmatian Coast to provide the foundation for an Adriatic security system.

The next step of the scheme that President Bush expounded in his Warsaw speech, is the creation of the Black Sea Security system to include Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania, Georgia and Ukraine as members of Euro-Atlantic structures, and Russia as a special and trusted partner. This Third Sea system would be linked with the Baltic Sea security system through Ukraine and Poland and thus delineate a comprehensive European security architecture from the Baltic to the Black Sea.

We firmly believe that Azerbaijan should also be a member of the Black Sea security system. The inclusion of our neighbor will open direct access between Caspian oil reserves and European markets, thereby enhancing Euro-Atlantic security and bringing prosperity to the steppes of Central Asia. Secure and reliable energy could be exported from Azerbaijan via Georgia and Turkey to the shores of the Mediterranean and via Georgia, Russia, Ukraine and Poland to the urban centers of northern Europe. The benefits of a secure and liberalized trading system around the Black Sea for the entire Euro-Atlantic community are simply incalculable. We need to incorporate Armenia in the regional cooperation framework. Peace and security are indivisible in our region. One can not be stable and peaceful at the expense of others, turbulences and unresolved problems.

The unique transit potential and energy resources of the South Caucasus are key to Europe's energy security in the years ahead. I believe, this is one of the primary reasons why European interests require comprehensive stabilization of the South Caucasus.

Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, South Caucasus represents a natural corridor between the two continents. For hundreds of years it has served as a connecting link, a fact which has played an important role in shaping statehood, outlook, culture, and traditions of regional states.

At this point of history, we have entered the stage when the energy projects planned with strong western support have entered their final phase of fruition. Should South Caucasus fall into instability again, the entire Western Caspian energy policy - let alone investments - could come under threat. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and South Caucasus Pipeline projects are of vital importance to the future of the region and are critical to the creation of the East-West energy corridor. Therefore, all efforts must be exerted to ensure that these projects can be constructed and operated without hindrance of any kind and we are doing everything we can to deliver these projects as a model for development.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The main obstacle to the development of all of Europe's new democracies, whether along the Adriatic or the Black Sea, is clearly the regional instability.

It is spawned by terrorism, trafficking, trans-national crime and by unresolved conflicts to name a few. In an OSCE parlance these conflicts are referred to as "Frozen Conflicts" and apply to South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Tranthesnistria.

I believe that the OSCE has coined a rather inadequate idiom, for the simple reason that these conflicts are not frozen at all. On the contrary, they are alive, brewing, draining our resources, obstructing the development plans and deteriorating our relations with neighbors. What is frozen indeed, is the peace process, which perpetuates the existence of absolutely uncontrolled territories that easily become the safe haven for terrorists and criminals.

We believe that the Euro-Atlantic institutions should be more actively injected in the peace process. Otherwise, the conflicts I mentioned above may well degenerate into a larger conflagration and pose a serious threat to the Euro-Atlantic community.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

President-elect Saakashvili has more than once reiterated a long held premise that Georgia is inexorably moving towards Europe. Indeed our plans for reintegration go way beyond Georgia's membership in NATO. This organization is only one important pillar of the European structure. Our strategic plans include further cooperation with the Council of Europe and the implementation of comprehensive reforms to meet the standards for membership in the European Union.

While doing all in our power to integrate in European structures and to find our deserved place in the family of nations, we should make similar efforts not to distance ourselves from Russia and to establish civilized and good neighborly relations with this great nation.

There is no doubt that the stable, prosperous, democratic Russia is a factor of world scale and significance. Free people, whose governments rest on the consent of the governed, do not wage war on their neighbors. Free people, blessed by economic opportunity and protected by laws that respect the dignity of the individual, are not driven towards the domination of others. We hold out hope that Russia, may be grudgingly, but is still moving in this direction.

Regrettably, the past decade of the Georgian-Russian relations have been marred by mutual recriminations, mistrust and jealousy. The tensions had, at times nearly spiraled out of control and put the two countries on the verge of the open confrontation. And I need to admit that the mistakes have been made from both sides. We cannot allow this to continue. The world’s one of the most important region cannot become hostage of treacherous political games and parochial interests on both sides.

We expect that the Russian policy-makers will come to treat Georgia as an independent, sovereign state and resume negotiations in good faith on all burning issues. Georgia is open for partnership and full cooperation with Russia. But let not this create an impression that Georgia will ever compromise its political stand, freedom, sovereignty and independence.

We offer our Russian colleagues a full measure of cooperation on a range of important questions, including those of regional security. Georgia accepts with understanding Russia’s legitimate interests in Georgia and attaches overriding importance to eliminating any threat to Russia’s security from the Georgian territory. But our Russian colleagues should also realize, that terrorists do not appear in Georgia out of the blue…

The presence of the Russian military bases in Georgia is nothing but an anachronism and, in my opinion serves no security interests of Russia. Some in Moscow may think that their presence in Georgia is the leverage to promote Russia’s influence. It’s an absolutely wrong approach. Dilemma, that some Russian policy makers confront and confuse, is connected with the two definitions: influence and interests. Influence and control are about the zero sum game that contradicts Russia’s interests in the region, on the contrary, promotion of Russia’s economic, commercial interests should be beneficial for Russia and the entire region. So the vital question what’s in the interest of Russia to have a bank or a tank in Georgia is still unanswered. However, the new Georgian leadership is set out to approach this question with understanding and expresses readiness to renew negotiations on this important issue with common sense and determination. The role of the United States and of the whole CFE community in this process will be important if not crucial, especially when it comes to financial requirements for the withdrawal.

We believe, that the way the Russian leadership chooses to handle these problems will be a serious test of Russia's adherence to its international commitments.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Georgia's transition from lawlessness to real independence and democracy is both an exhilarating and a difficult task. For the men and women of Georgia, this is a time of great hope, and great difficulty – A time for national pride as well as national reconciliation. It occurs to me that there is no purpose nobler for us to sustain and preserve our small nation in a turbulent world. That is what we must do now. We have no higher duty, no greater cause as humans. And may god bless our efforts.

Thank you,